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clearly have been the result of organization. Soldiers do not otherwise come together at three o'clock in the morning from all parts of the city to air their grievances, and the whole affair seems to have been a coup that succeeded—at least as far as the capital was concerned—beyond the wildest hopes of its organizer.
At the Selamlik, or public prayers, on the Friday of that eventful week, the monarch was in better spirits and appeared more cheerful and alert than ever before. He seemed particularly delighted to see Europeans present and ordered coffee and cigarettes to be sent to us. He had gained his goal for the moment.
When I come to speak of my own opinion of the entire movement, I shall perhaps be on more debatable ground. I was never able to have much sympathy for the Committee and the effects they produced; the best results of the previous revolution could have been achieved by other methods. The organization of the Chamber of Deputies was sadly manipulated. The Turkish Empire consists of three times as many Arabs as Turks, whereas in the Chamber, the proportion was exactly the reverse. The Christians—especially the exceedingly numerous Greeks—had hardly any representation at all. The abolition of espionage and certain forms of extortion was entirely positive. On the other hand, one must acknowledge the fact that life and property in Constantinople were less secure after the revolution than before, and political murder by an oligarchy, no matter how high-sounding their title, is not much superior to banishment by a tyrant.